https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps <p>This journal is set to advance scholarship in all areas of political science and related disciplines. Properly researched articles, that are not presented elsewhere are to be accepted for publication in the journal. Topical issues that are of national and global interest from the political science perspectives are part of the set aims of the journal.</p> <p>The scope of the journal is universal, accepting contributions from all parts of the world, and the journal is published quarterly. In our bid to be on top of emerging developments and actively contributing to knowledge we call for papers without restricting the call to Political Science discipline alone.</p> <p>All the articles submitted are subjected to double reviews external and internal reviewers are engaged using standard guidelines in assessing the papers.</p> The journal is a publication of the department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Jos. Plateau State Nigeria. en-US University of Jos Journal of Political Science 1118-7220 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/812 This paper examines the emergence of the Lakurawa violent group in Nigeria as a case study of the complex interplay between state and non-state actors in shaping community security. Drawing on State Fragility Theory, the study argues that governance deficits, including weak policing, porous borders, and socio-economic deprivation, created the enabling conditions for Lakurawa’s rise. Using a qualitative methodology and relying on secondary data from journals, government reports, policy briefs, and media sources, the research employs thematic content analysis to trace Lakurawa’s origins, evolution, and impact on community security. The findings reveal that Lakurawa initially emerged as a vigilante formation invited by local leaders to defend communities from banditry, but later transformed into an extremist group asserting parallel governance through taxation, corporal punishment, and ideological indoctrination. The study demonstrates that while state actors (police, military, local authorities) have attempted to reassert control through proscription and military operations, these efforts have been undermined by intelligence failures, delayed responses, and civilian casualties, which further eroded trust. Non-state actors, including traditional and religious leaders, played paradoxical roles at times, enhancing protection, but also enabling the group’s entrenchment before eventually resisting its radical agenda. The Lakurawa case underscores the risks of hybrid security governance, where fragmented authority and mistrust between state and non-state actors create openings for violent groups. By linking local dynamics to broader Sahelian insecurity, the paper contributes to scholarly debates on fragile states and violent extremism in Africa. It concludes that militarized responses alone are insufficient. Instead, restoring community security requires rebuilding the social contract, regulating non-state actors, strengthening governance, and fostering regional cooperation. Solomon Anjide, PhD Salifu Achile Momoh Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 1 13 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/824 The constitutional lacuna and often back and forth on the position of the local government in Nigeria over the years are worrisome and keep begging for a lasting solution particularly the growing indifference of the state governments to accord needful respect to the extant laws, and the judiciary. Due to its inevitability in modern political systems, local government is a catalyst for development at the grassroots level. This inevitability becomes meaningful with the presence of both political and economic autonomy at the local level of governance. The absence of these two (political and economic autonomy) in the local governments across the country needs to be desired. Moreover, the thrust of this study is to stir ongoing debates on the constitutional provisions versus reality on the status of local government in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. The main objective of the paper is to add to the ongoing debate on the state of local government in Nigeria, particularly its nature of relation with the state government, and to interrogate constitutional provision versus reality. The study is situated within the system theory to substantiate the importance of interdependence of parts to form a functional whole, relating it to dependency, and exploitative relations between state and local government in Nigeria. Similarly, the three models of coordinate, overlapping, and inclusive were examined to . The study utilized both the primary and secondary sources of data as a method of data collection, and the paper was analyze using a descriptive method. The paper argued that the recent Supreme Court judgment on July 11, 2024, on local government financial autonomy has pushed further the hitherto debate on the state of local government in Nigeria. Therefore, local government autonomy can only be meaningful if and where each level of government is bound by the constitution and does not accept dictates or directives from another level of government. The time is here for the political leaders to respect the constitution and the court judgments. Nurudeen Sola Ibrahim Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 14 32 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/825 The Western Sahara conflict, a protracted territorial dispute between Morocco and the Polisario Front, encapsulates colonial legacies, competing nationalisms, and geopolitical rivalries, destabilizing the Maghreb. Originating from Spain’s 1970s decolonization, it juxtaposes Morocco’s historical sovereignty claims over the resource-rich territory against the Polisario’s pursuit of Sahrawi self-determination through the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). Employing a qualitative historical-analytical methodology, this study utilizes thematic content analysis, comparative scrutiny, and critical discourse analysis of UN reports, peer-reviewed journals, and 2025 media to unpack layered causalities and power constructs. Adopting a realist framework, it interrogates the security dilemmas, strategic interests, and power dynamics perpetuating the impasse. The research traces the conflict’s trajectory from colonial entrenchment to decolonial fractures, analyzes recent escalations—including intensified drone warfare, cyber incursions, and Western endorsements of Moroccan autonomy—and evaluates regional ramifications, notably exacerbated Algeria-Morocco tensions marked by border closures, economic boycotts, and proxy escalations. Policy prescriptions advocate multilateral diplomacy, phased demilitarization, and economic incentives to transcend zero-sum territorial logic. By illuminating material drivers like phosphate wealth and systemic anarchy, this study enriches debates on post-colonial statecraft and mediation efficacy in 2025’s multipolar flux, offering nuanced insights into state-centric power maximization. Dominic Marcus Kenule Nkiru Ruth Okpala Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 33 48 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/813 Theories are essential in studying phenomena and events as they are generally used in analyzing situations such as democracy, peace, conflict, war, and the phenomenon of Peace Support Operations (PSOs) globally. Peace support operations have evolved and currently have police components, which has also raised complex issues in the general need for PSOs and the functionality and justifications of the various theories of police participation in PSOs. The main problem the research seeks to study is the justification of the usage of the police component in PSOs and the identification of various strengths and weaknesses of the various theories employed in the usage of the police in PSOs propounded by different scholars. Being a study that focused on theories of police participation in PSOs, the theoretical framing of the study was hinged on the theory of police intervention. The study utilized the cross-sectional survey method, collecting data from a population composed mainly of secondary sources. The study’s main objective is to examine and review theories of PSOs and the participation of the police in PSOs. Findings from the study showed a multiplicity of theories are available in explaining the phenomenon of PSOs and Police participation the police each with several weaknesses and strengths, which in a sense underscores the role of theories in PSOs. Findings also revealed that apart from the Police, the military, diplomats, and civilian personnel are also involved in PSOs. The study identified and reviewed several relevant theories of the police participation in Peace Support Operations. A major contribution of the study to knowledge is in the area of theoretical strengthening and philosophical justification through the identification of strengths and weaknesses of various theories reviewed, thereby adding to the existing body of literature. It is hoped that the recommendations in the study will contribute to strengthening UN PSOs. The study will serve as an additional contribution to existing literature in the field of PSOs. The study recommends that more theories of PSOs should evolve to justify its phenomenon globally. This is relevant because most theories of PSOs did not explain the phenomenon of non-participation and non-contribution of some member states of the UN to peace support. Chinge Dodo Ayuba (PhD.) Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 49 64 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/814 Mainstream security discourses in Nigeria have long been dominated by state-centric perspectives that frame insecurity through the lenses of terrorism, insurgency, and national security. However, these discourses often obscure the everyday ways in which ordinary people experience, narrate, and respond to insecurity. It is based on this stance that this article examines the conceptual framework of Vernacular Security Studies (VSS) to explore how residents of Plateau State, Nigeria, articulate and operationalize their own meanings of security and insecurity. Using qualitative research approach that draws on interviews, focus group discussions, and secondary sources, the study examines the vernacular categories through which Plateau residents perceive insecurity such as An Fara (“it has started”), Malos (a local label for Muslims, often derogatory and pejorative), Fulani (as both threat and victim identity), and Yan Ta’adi (bandits/violent actors). The article argues that these terms are not mere linguistic artifacts but powerful vernacular securitizations that structure everyday practices of vigilance, exclusion, and resilience. By foregrounding local vocabularies of security, the study highlights the inadequacy of top-down counterinsurgency narratives and demonstrates the importance of grounding security studies in local knowledge. Kwopnan Ibrahim Bulus Kangdim Dingji Maza Nanjwan Yale Damap Danlami Fwangmun Datul Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 65 77 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/815 Nigeria is on the verge of a significant crisis, fueled by a disproportionately unemployed youth population, alongside a skyrocketing cost of living that has made life increasingly unbearable for both those who are gainfully employed and those who are not. Regardless, the country's political leadership at the federal, state, and local levels has been accused of being disconnected from this reality, as exemplified by the deregulation in the petroleum sector and the devaluation of the national currency, which have exacerbated the country’s already existing hardships and thus triggered a youth protest under #endbadgovernance. Relying on primary sources, 150 questionnaires were administered to identified respondents, including youth, social activists, and government officials, using the purposive sampling method. The data collected was analysed using simple percentages and further complemented with material from secondary sources. While the study's findings reveal that the #endbadgovernance protest was fueled by Nigeria’s socio-economic conditions and is, therefore, a manifestation of resentment against poor governance, the study recommends increased youth engagement in the country’s political process. Abubakar Sadiq Ahmed Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 78 96 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/816 Africa is the region with the lowest total and per capita greenhouse gas emissions in the world, but it bears the brunt of the adverse effects of climate change. Due to its special geographical location, spanning north and south of the equator, Africa has a vast territory, a large population, and a diverse climate, and its economic and social development is relatively lagging behind, especially the low urbanization and industrialization rates, a large agricultural population, and huge inter-regional climate differences. The existing research mainly focuses on climate change, crises, and food security in Africa. The research theme of this paper is the impact of climate change on food security in Africa; using the literature research method, we study the impact of climate change situation on food security in Africa; the purpose of the research is to draw the attention of the international community to climate change and food security; increase the attention and support to Africa, so that Africans can enjoy a better livelihoods. Amartya’s Entitlement Failure Theory was adopted for this research. The paper relied on secondary data and personal observations. We adopted Amartya’s Entitlement Failure Theory for a better explanation in this paper. The paper relied so much on secondary data and personal observations. Food sufficiency in Africa will solve to a large extent, the problem of food shortage and hunger across the globe because of the natural advantage the continent has over other continents of the world. The challenge is the incessant political instability and the level of poverty in Africa. Matawal Adamu Bitrus, PhD Anagba Joseph Obidi Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 97 107 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/818 Ethnic equity remains a topical global phenomenon. It has therefore attracted the attention of scholars across academic spectrums and ideological persuasions. Scholars across disciplines have variously interrogated the phenomenon, albeit from different perspectives. In all these, one thing is certain, and that is the fact that ethnic conflicts have remained unabated and have almost become ubiquitous. And often, it exacerbates in a manner that constitutes a threat to global peace. Communities and regions across the globe grapple with ethnic related conflicts, though in different forms and degrees. This study interrogated the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and noted that despite the efforts of the United Nations to mitigate the occurrence of global crises, ethnic groups, driven by ethnic nationalism, have continued to push the global community to the precipice. The crisis in the Middle East has engendered an intractable humanitarian crisis and seems to be bringing today’s nuclear-driven world closer to World War III. The study adopted the qualitative method and relied on secondary and primary sources of data. For a theoretical background, the study adopted an eclectic theoretical approach by integrating the structural functional theory and the frustration-aggression theory to analyze the Israeli-Palestine ethnic conflict. The study interrogated the historical roots of the Israel-Palestine conflict and demonstrated how ethnic conflicts could mutate and spill over. The study found that beyond territorial contestation and equality of access to opportunities, the distinct and peculiar nature of ethnic crises has made a one-size-fits-all solution impotent. In conclusion, the study, amongst other things, suggested ethnic equity as a way out, and provided policy direction to the United Nations, sovereign states, and related global stakeholders and groups. Ethnic equity in the context of the study speaks to social, economic, and political equity. Ifeanacho, Chukwuemeka Michael, PhD Chidiebere Ken Kike Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 108 124 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/817 Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, the nature of violent conflict has shifted from primarily interstate to intrastate, often mobilised around identity, ethnic, and religious lines. Nigeria reflects this trend, with persistent farmer–herder clashes, ethno-religious tensions, kidnapping, banditry, and resource-based disputes affecting multiple geopolitical zones. These conflicts have generated displacement, loss of lives, and socio-economic disruption. State responses have largely been militarised, achieving temporary stability or “negative peace,” while non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have increasingly stepped in to foster sustainable, “positive peace.” This article examines the role of NGOs in peacebuilding in North Central Nigeria, with a particular focus on Search for Common Ground (SFCG). Using John Paul Lederach’s Conflict Transformation Theory as an analytical lens, the study emphasises relationship-building, inclusive dialogue, and structural change as pathways toward sustainable peace. Fieldwork was conducted in 6 Local Government Areas of Plateau, Benue, and Nasarawa States, employing 29 key informant interviews and 12 focus group discussions with men and women. Findings reveal that SFCG has advanced peacebuilding through dialogue facilitation, youth empowerment, intergroup mediation, media programming, and capacity building of local actors. These interventions contributed to rebuilding trust, reducing tensions, and improving intercommunal relations. However, challenges remain, including limited funding, weak collaboration with government institutions, and difficulties in mainstreaming local initiatives into broader policy frameworks. The study highlights the complementary role of NGOs in bridging the gap between negative and positive peace, providing lessons for more integrated, community-driven, and sustainable peacebuilding strategies in Nigeria. Sarah Nankyer Bentu Shedrack Gaya Best Kwopnan Ibrahim Bulus Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 125 147 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/819 Gender-based violence (GBV) and sexual harassment remain pervasive violations of women’s rights in Nigeria, yet their representation in the media often shapes how society perceives, understands, and responds to these issues. This study examines how Nigerian media report on GBV and sexual harassment, stressing the extent to which such coverage reflects professionalism, reinforces stereotypes, or contributes to prevention and social change. Guided by feminist media theory, framing theory, and the cultivation theory, the study explores the patterns and implications of media portrayals. A qualitative research design was adopted, drawing on secondary sources such as newspaper reports, NGO publications, and scholarly analyses, and employing thematic analysis to interrogate recurring frames, narratives, and silences. The findings reveal that Nigerian media frequently sensationalize violence, prioritize physical abuse over structural and systemic dimensions, and under-represent survivor voices. However, evidence also suggests that media can act as a powerful tool for advocacy by amplifying marginalized perspectives, shaping public discourse, and holding institutions accountable. This study argues that gender-sensitive and socially responsible reporting is vital to promoting accountability, advancing gender justice, and supporting broader policy and advocacy efforts aimed at preventing GBV and sexual harassment in Nigeria. Terhile Jude Ahoo Member Evelyn Nyajoh Titus Tartor Kete Oryina Kingsley Annger Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 148 159 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/826 Parliament across the world no doubt remained the cornerstone of all modern democracies. It is an avenue for all elected representatives to convene and deliberate on critical governance issues affecting their constituents. However, the composition of who makes up the assembly has called for concern. The primary objective of this study is to assess the extent to which women’s representation in the Kwara State House of Assembly during the 8th and 9th Assemblies impacted the promotion of gender-related legislation. The study adopted primary and secondary methods while the research design is qualitative. Primary data were obtained from interviews while legislative records, journals, textbooks, articles and surfing of the internet constitute the secondary data source. The total population for the study was 130 purposively sampled respondents. The research findings revealed that there is a strong nexus between female lawmakers and formulation of gender sensitive laws. It also observed that female potentials are not fully tapped as it obtained some other climes owing to some beliefs and practices held by electorates. The study concludes that female representation is essential for sustaining gender legislative priorities. In lieu of this, the research recommends the promotion of women’s political participation through adoption of non-elective seats for female lawmakers, vigorous sensitization to address various forms of myths and misconceptions, capacity building, and institutionalization of gender mainstreaming within legislative processes. The findings reinforce existing theoretical claims that women’s presence in political institutions is pivotal to achieving substantive gender equality in policy making. Rashida Adamu Oyoru PhD Sikiru Garba Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 160 180 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/820 Bureaucratic Corruption constitutes most of the activities of public officials saddled with the responsibility of implementing government policies and programs as they tend to compromise their position and the trust accorded them by indulging in selfish activities as kickbacks, fraud, and bribery, all in the verge of making extra income, which tends to frustrate the provision of essential services. Some of these unwholesome practices of public officials are sometimes influenced by politicians and business partners. The means of acquiring such essential services are mostly done through public procurement process, which is intended to ensure transparency, accountability, and value for money. The objective of the research study is to examine the impact of bureaucratic corruption on public procurement Processes in the FCTA. The study adopted both qualitative and quantitative research methods in the data collection, which were analyzed using simple percentages and frequency tables. The theory that was suitable for the research study is the Parent-Agent theory. The research discovered that the opaque process and the weak institutional framework had created a window for procurement officers and contractors to collide in manipulating the bid process to favour preferred contractors. The findings, however, recommended the full adoption of E-Procurement to ensure the digitalization of procurement activities for easy monitoring and also to improve the oversight functions of the investigative bodies in the areas of enforcement of public procurement laws. Goma, Morgak Leo Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 181 204 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/821 Nigeria leadership prospects on the continent have come under scrutiny over leadership deficit at both the national and sub-national levels. While this leadership deficit continues to be a setback, this leadership deficit is now the greatest hindrance to the development of the country. The methodology of this paper is analytical, with case studies drawn from successive political office holders who appear unprepared for the office they occupy. This is done to spotlight the leadership deficit that the country faces with a view to finding lasting solutions to the issue. Findings revealed that the leadership deficit that the country faces today is chiefly attributable stems from the faulty leadership recruitment process in the country. The rushed transition in 1960 and 1999 ensured that persons who emerged at the national and sub-national levels for both executive and legislative positions were largely unprepared for the challenge of office, nor had the requisite knowledge and skills required to steer the ship of nationhood. The paper concludes that leadership is the greatest albatross that the nation is confronted with today, taking a toll on governance and development. This paper recommends the discontinuation of the current model of recruiting leaders. It also recommends the establishment of new institutes and as well as expansion of the scope of the existing to train prospective leaders in the art and skills of leadership in order to turn around the fortunes of the country. Olumuyiwa Adebayo Adetunji, PhD Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 205 220 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/822 This paper understudies the importance of political culture and its effects on democracy in Nigeria. The study was achieved by examining the core issues surrounding democracy in Nigeria, such as ethno-religious gimmicks, patrimonialism, and godfatherism, which hindered the realization of core democratic values like liberty, justice, and equality. The qualitative research design is adopted for this study, leveraging secondary sources of data generated from academic Journal articles, periodicals and media accounts. Content and thematic analysis is adopted for effective analysis of this qualitative data. All these were considered based on the objective of the study, which seeks to evaluate the nature and effects of the Nigerian political culture on its democracy. It also aims at establishing the role of political culture in strengthening democracy in Nigeria. The findings of this study revealed that the political culture in Nigeria is characterized by interests, such as tribalism; ethnicity and religiosity, while the democratic process is marred by persistent challenges which include: unlawful use of security personnel by politicians; electoral officials often use their positions to serve personal or political interest. The finding also reveals that corruption; lack of accountability, injustice prevalent during electoral tribunals and poor coordination, together with fragmentation erodes public trust, discourages political participation and support for the implementation of reforms. Based on the results obtained this paper makes recommendations for policy makers, practitioners and the academia. Veronica B. Dandak (PhD) Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 221 238 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/827 This paper critically examines how individual personality traits of key political leaders, specifically successive presidents and diplomats, have influenced Nigeria's foreign policy implementation from 1999 to 2025. Through qualitative analysis of political behaviour, policy decisions, and international engagement, the paper highlights the significant role of leadership psychology of various presidents and their administrations in shaping the nation’s diplomatic posture. Using a multidisciplinary approach that blends political science, psychology, and international relations, the study evaluates the personal inclinations of Nigeria's presidents and foreign policy actors to provide a nuanced understanding of personality as a determinant of state behaviour. Through qualitative case studies of five administrations—Olusegun Obasanjo, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, Goodluck Jonathan, Muhammadu Buhari, and post-2023 leadership under Bola Ahmed Tinubu—the study identifies recurring patterns of personality-driven diplomacy, highlighting traits such as assertiveness, introversion, risk tolerance, and power motivation. Findings reveal that foreign policy under these successive administrations was not consistently institutionalized but often reflected and still reflects the individual president's worldview, rhetorical style, and psychological disposition. This personalization contributed to strategic shifts, inconsistent regional engagement, and fluctuating global alliances. The research underscores the need for stronger institutional mechanisms to moderate executive influence and ensure continuity in Nigeria’s diplomatic posture. Ultimately, the paper contributes to a growing body of literature advocating for the integration of psychological variables into foreign policy analysis within African presidential systems. Abu Saidu Sabastine (PhD.) Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 239 260 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/823 This article provides a critical analysis of university governance in Nigeria, examining the persistent tension between institutional autonomy, the advocacy of academic staff unions, and systemic political and economic pressures. Using a qualitative research design, this study draws on document and historical institutional analysis of formal agreements, university statutes, and policy documents to investigate this complex dynamic. The analysis is framed by a hybrid theoretical model integrating Stakeholder Theory and Principal-Agent Theory. It argues that the recurrent crises in Nigeria's university system stem from a fundamental misalignment of interests between the government (the principal), university administrations (the agents), and academic unions (key stakeholders). The Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) emerges not merely as a trade union but as a significant force that has reshaped governance through collective bargaining, influencing the composition of governing councils, democratising leadership appointments, and establishing oversight committees. However, these gains are consistently undermined by challenges such as chronic underfunding, political interference, corruption, and brain drain, which disrupt the academic environment and fuel industrial unrest. The study finds that while staff unions use strikes to hold the government accountable, this adversarial approach perpetuates instability. The paper concludes by recommending an integrated governance model that enforces collective bargaining agreements, respects university autonomy, promotes democratic leadership, and reframes unions as collaborative partners rather than adversaries. By viewing the governance dilemma through this dual theoretical lens, the paper offers new insights for policymakers and contributes to the limited literature on the intersection of unionism and university governance in developing nations. Sheriff Omotayo Oyewopo Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 261 282 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/829 This paper essentially interrogates the role of corruption in the governance crisis currently plaguing Nigeria and which has led to a near collapse of public service in the country. The paper argues that the persistence of corruption in government in Nigeria is in large part traceable to public officials as they respond to the pressures on them in the course of rendering public service, which makes them dip their hands into the public coffers and divert public resources meant for the provision of public gods and services into their private pockets. The work is guided by the political economy theoretical framework, which explains that there is an inevitable vicious cycle of relationships between corruption and governance that produces the failure of public service as outcome. Using the qualitative research method based on the historical-institutional analysis of data obtained from documentary sources, which helps trace public service corruption through the different governmental regimes in Nigeria. This paper finds that there is a cyclical relationship between governance, corruption and public service in Nigeria whereby each variable affects and is affected by the other variables. Corruption undermines governance and public service efficiency in the country. The work recommends the enhancement of good governance outcomes in the country and the reduction of incentives for corruption among public officials, while cases of corruption will be severely punished and the proceeds of corruption recovered. Emmanuel Ikechi Onah, PhD Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 283 301 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/828 This study examines the intersection of farmer-herder conflicts, forced displacement, and gender-based violence (GBV) in Benue State, Nigeria, between 2015-2025. Through analysis of humanitarian reports, scholarly research, and field studies, we document how escalating violence has displaced over 3.5 million people, with women and girls constituting approximately 75% of the IDP population. In the precarious environment of internally displaced persons (IDP) camps, women face alarming rates of GBV, including sexual exploitation (33.2% prevalence), intimate partner violence (12.2%), and survival sex transactions. Contributing factors include overcrowding (e.g., 37,412 displaced households), inadequate sanitation, economic desperation, and systemic protection failures. A June 2025 attack that displaced 3,000 persons to the Ultra International Modern Market IDP Camp saw a child sexually assaulted within 24 hours of arrival, exemplifying acute vulnerabilities. This research recommends urgent structural interventions, including gender-sensitive camp design, economic empowerment programs, and judicial reforms, to address this humanitarian crisis. Nathaniel Edoka Ali Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-10-10 2025-10-10 2 2 302 321