https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps <p>This journal is set to advance scholarship in all areas of political science and related disciplines. Properly researched articles, that are not presented elsewhere are to be accepted for publication in the journal. Topical issues that are of national and global interest from the political science perspectives are part of the set aims of the journal.</p> <p>The scope of the journal is universal, accepting contributions from all parts of the world, and the journal is published quarterly. In our bid to be on top of emerging developments and actively contributing to knowledge we call for papers without restricting the call to Political Science discipline alone.</p> <p>All the articles submitted are subjected to double reviews external and internal reviewers are engaged using standard guidelines in assessing the papers.</p> The journal is a publication of the department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Jos. Plateau State Nigeria. en-US University of Jos Journal of Political Science 1118-7220 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/779 This paper sets out to examine the role of Digital Economy on Nigeria’s national security. Over the years, Nigeria has experienced a significant transformation in the Digital Economy, with the growth of e-commerce, fintech, and other digital innovations. While this transformation has brought economic benefits to the country, it has also brought about new security challenges. The paper adopted a qualitative research methodology to examine the interplay between the Digital Economy and Nigeria’s national security. Data collection relied on secondary sources, including academic journals, government publications, policy documents, and reports from reputable institutions. The paper argued that the digital economy and national security are interdependent and that one cannot be achieved without the other. It explores the various threats posed by the digital economy to national security, including cybercrime, terrorism, and political instabilities. Furthermore, the paper highlights the steps to be taken by the government to address these threats and promote a secure digital economy. The paper concludes that the digital economy can contribute significantly to Nigeria's national security if it is harnessed responsibly. Salifu Achile Momoh Iramae Nathaniel Kefas Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-08-10 2025-08-10 2 1 1 15 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/780 This study investigates the exploitation of agro-chemicals and its effects on the Nigerian economy using a qualitative approach through documentary analysis. The research identifies a growing problem of unregulated and excessive use of fertilizers, pesticides, and herbicides, which, while intended to boost agricultural productivity, has led to soil degradation, water pollution, health hazards, and increased economic dependency on imports. The key objectives were to examine the extent of agro-chemical use, its economic implications, and possible sustainable alternatives. Findings reveal that despite short-term yield improvements, long-term consequences include environmental damage, rising healthcare costs, and threats to food security. The study concludes that without stronger regulation, farmer education, and investment in eco-friendly practices, agro-chemical exploitation will continue to undermine Nigeria’s economic and agricultural sustainability. Musa Agwa Abubakar Samuel Adigizi Moses Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-08-10 2025-08-10 2 1 16 31 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/781 It is an incontrovertible fact that Nigeria, just as every other nation, exists in a globalized world and its political economy is impacted by activities generated at the international sphere. These activities range from political, economic, socio-cultural, and environmental to religious milieus. This paper reflected on the post 2023election eco-system in Nigeria and argued that the appalling, deteriorating and dehumanizing social/material conditions of Nigeria cannot be devoiced form its integration into the international capitalist system. The paper adopted the dependency theory which argues that the poverty and wealth of nations can be situated in the context of the integration of Nigeria and other Third World countries into the international capitalist system dominated and controlled by the west. The paper utilized data from secondary sources such as journal articles, text books, internet materials, etc. and analyzed using content analytical technique. Analysis of the data revealed that the miss-governance or misapplied neo-liberal policies of the APC led government- much of which have been foisted on Nigerians by Bretton Woods institutions- which serve as global capitalist warehouses- have cascading effects on the social/material conditions of Nigerians manifesting in pervasive poverty, large scale unemployment, corruption, all time high inflation, insecurity and general underdevelopment. The paper recommended amongst other things, a remodeling or outright reversal of some of the neo-liberal policies adopted by the government in order to ease the suffering of the people and improve their social and material wellbeing. Sunday Abunimye Betembiaye Sunday Emmanuel Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-08-10 2025-08-10 2 1 32 48 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/782 National security and crime prevention are pivotal towards achieving national stability, development and security. Conventional use of hard power approaches, such as military force (hard power) and strict policing were the norm in national security and policing. However, the increasing complexity of security threats in the 21st century has necessitated the integration of soft power and soft policing strategies. Through a critical review of existing literature, this study aims to contribute to the development of a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of national security and crime prevention, highlighting the potential benefits and limitations of soft power and soft policing approaches in addressing contemporary security challenges in Nigeria. The Broken Windows and Collective Governance theories were adopted to explain the ripple effect of crimes on national security, and how the infusion of soft power and soft policing would help improve national security and crime prevention. The paper concludes that by moving beyond traditional hard power approaches, soft power and soft policing tools, such as cultural diplomacy, quick impact projects, economic development, and social engagement, can be leveraged to prevent crime and promote national security. Consequently, the paper recommends an increased investment in community programmes, enhanced trust-building initiatives by the government and relevant security agencies, increased public participation in crime prevention, strategic media coverage and communication, and continuous evaluation and adoption of strategies fit for a given area. Vera Felicitas Attu Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-08-10 2025-08-10 2 1 49 64 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/783 Cooperation and competition are central themes that shape the relationship between Nigeria and South Africa. Both countries, being key players in Africa, explore various forms of relations, both bilaterally and multilaterally, through political, economic, diplomatic, and socio-cultural interactions. Different theoretical arguments have been developed over time to explain competition and cooperation among states; however, most of these perspectives are Eurocentric. Applying African Realism as a theoretical framework, because of its Afrocentric approach to explaining cooperation and competition between Nigeria and South Africa challenges the narrow arguments of other theories, making them less applicable in this context. Using a qualitative method and secondary data, it was found that African states can simultaneously cooperate and compete, emphasizing that states will naturally compete for their national interests but also cooperate due to the Afrocentric value of brotherhood, which is the core principle of African Realism. Damola Ibukun Adegboye Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-08-10 2025-08-10 2 1 65 80 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/784 This paper recognizes that political parties are agents of interest aggregation, and argues that the Nigerian party should be such that offers a platform for the intercourse of interests, out of which, interest aggregation could occur, particularly, on the ways that the structure and process of governance in the country could lead to national integration. Intra-party politics would then become the articulation of positions by members and the competition among these positions on the issues of national integration, leading to the aggregation of particular positions by each party on the diverse issues confronting the nation at any period. Inter-party politics then becomes the competition among the parties over which of their positions will become the basis of governance and policy for the purpose of national integration in the country. Unfortunately as the paper observes, this is not the situation in Nigeria. Using qualitative methodology, the paper finds that instead, party politics has not been the platform for interest aggregation but rather one for interest disarticulation, and has as such, continued to promote national disharmony and aggravate conflicts and crises in the country. The paper recommends that the political party as well as party politics in Nigeria must be restructured such that both can serve as agents of achieving and consolidating unity in diversity and contribute to the resolution of the numerous challenges of national integration in the country. Ikechi Onah Emmanuel Ishola Ebenezer Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-08-10 2025-08-10 2 1 81 95 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/785 This study examines the paradox of oil wealth and persistent poverty in Nigeria through the lens of petroleum industry reforms and political economy analysis. Despite being one of Africa’s largest oil producers, Nigeria continues to grapple with widespread poverty, underdevelopment, and inequality. The study adopts a qualitative research design, relying primarily on secondary data from scholarly publications, government reports, policy documents, and institutional reviews. It explores how governance failures, institutional weaknesses, and elite capture have undermined the capacity of petroleum industry reforms to alleviate poverty. Particular attention is given to the implementation and limitations of recent policy initiatives such as the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) of 2021. The findings reveal that reforms in the oil sector have often been symbolic and inadequately enforced, leading to the continued marginalization of oil-producing communities and ineffective redistribution of oil revenues. The study concludes that without a fundamental restructuring of oil governance frameworks to promote transparency, equity, and inclusive development, poverty will remain a persistent challenge in Nigeria. Recommendations are offered to enhance the implementation of reforms and prioritize people-centered development in the allocation of petroleum revenues. Adigizi Moses Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-08-10 2025-08-10 2 1 96 116 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/786 The paper investigated political financing in Nigeria and its impact on the country’s democratic process. The study considered issues involved in political financing such as the regulation and monitoring of the flow of finance within the electoral space in Nigeria, with particular emphasis on political parties’ finance. The study also interrogated the extent to which effective financial regulation of the electoral system in a society such as Nigeria is feasible, taking into consideration the high incidence of financial malfeasance in the country. The study is a documentary research and data were analyzed using a qualitative descriptive method. Utilizing the hydraulic theory of political finance, the paper established that state institutions in Nigeria lack both the capacity to adequately monitor the flow of finance in the country’s political system and to sanction offenders of the relevant electoral statutes. Thus, voter education and monitoring of the electoral process by religious organisations, civil society, the mass media and social medial personalities is recommended in order to ensure transparency within the electoral system in Nigeria. Ikenna Arthur Amanchukwu Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 2 1 117 134 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/787 How does the privatisation of the Nigerian State undermine its capacity to combat terrorism? This paper is developed to answer this question. Using the political economy perspective, it interrogates the paradoxical relationship between state privatisation and counterterrorism effectiveness in Nigeria. Anchored in literature that critiques the Nigerian State's failure to achieve autonomy from elite capture, the analysis identifies privatisation as manifesting through ethnicised political domination, patronage-based governance, systemic corruption, and the militarisation of electoral politics. These dynamics have commodified violence, entrenched inter-ethnic rivalries, and subordinated the public good to narrow elite interests. The resultant governance vacuum and socioeconomic marginalisation create structural conditions conducive to terrorism, while simultaneously weakening institutional mechanisms for counterterrorism. The paper argues that counterterrorism strategies in Nigeria will remain compromised as long as the State is privatised. It concludes by advocating for comprehensive state reform aimed at restoring public accountability and reorienting the State toward the pursuit of collective security. Samuel Ibaba Ibaba Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-08-10 2025-08-10 2 1 135 154 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/788 This article examines the challenges of kidnapping in Nigeria: causes and consequences. The paper unveiled some common causes of kidnapping and their consequences in Nigeria as a nation state that is characterized by poverty, unemployment, insecurity, corruption, weak institutional framework and poor policy implementation. Qualitative source of data collection was employed for the realization of this work. This study indicates that the current wave of kidnapping has aggravated massive unemployment, worsened unemployment and creates an unfriendly environment for economic development. The Federal Government has yet to realise that massive job creation, improved political structure, and resolution of internal grievances are the measures that would cure or minimise the commission of this criminality. The government should thus become proactively visible throughout the nation via its security agencies and economic development agenda. We therefore recommend sound policy programs that are youth-friendly and such policies that will tackle major internal grievances among the nation’s youths. Joseph Obidi Anagba Madey Aileku Sokoajin Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-08-10 2025-08-10 2 1 155 173 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/789 Despite worldwide efforts to promote gender equality in governance, women in Nigeria, particularly in Benue State, remain largely underrepresented in political leadership. This study critically examines the gendered nature of political participation in Benue State, exploring socio-cultural, economic, and institutional barriers that hinder women's political representation. Through a mixed-methods approach involving key informant interviews, focus group discussions, and document review, the study finds that male-controlled structures, economic disenfranchisement, political violence, and party gatekeeping mechanisms severely limit women’s access to leadership positions. Furthermore, the tokenistic inclusion of women in governance, without real power or influence, reinforces existing gender inequalities. The study emphasizes the significance of policy reforms, affirmative action, and gender-sensitive party structures in addressing these disparities. By shedding light on the lived experiences of women politicians and aspiring female leaders in Benue State, this paper contributes to broader debates on inclusive governance and the reimagining of political spaces to accommodate gender diversity. Obe Onyeke Augustine Shamaki Peter Gad Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-08-10 2025-08-10 2 1 174 189 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/790 This paper on “combating internal security problems in Nigeria: the relevance of surveillance” was motivated by the need to examine the worsening state of insecurity in Nigeria despite the number of security agencies and personnel and the failure of surveillance strategies at all levels. The objective of the paper was to draw the government’s attention to the contribution of effective surveillance to solving the problems of internal security in Nigeria. The approach adopted in the paper was library research in which content analysis was used, and the study revealed that the Nigeria government hasn’t really embraced surveillance in full and also she has neglected the contribution of surveillance equally, and it is as a result of this that the study recommended that, for effective surveillance strategies, government of the day must be willing and determine to support security agents sincerely in real-time monitoring and fighting of criminal elements in the country. Also, effective artificial intelligence AI tools must be adopted and put into use immediately, especially in areas where there are constant security threats. This will not only improve security in such areas, but the number of security officers we lost to insurgents will be reduced equally. And there is a need for the Nigerian government to acquire unmanned vehicles that can go into operation on their own without the physical presence of anybody, but rather, they can be operated from the head office. Venatius Azinor Ukor Bassey Obo Ugumanim Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-08-10 2025-08-10 2 1 190 206 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/791 In 2020, lockdown measures aimed at curbing COVID-19 in Nigeria severely disrupted livelihoods and prompted the government to distribute food palliatives as emergency relief. Since then, this approach has become a recurring strategy during economic crises or social upheavals, ostensibly to alleviate hunger among vulnerable populations. However, this paper contends that food palliatives are not merely humanitarian aid but a calculated political instrument. By temporarily appeasing public discontent, they divert attention from systemic governance failures such as chronic poverty, corruption, and institutional dysfunction, without addressing their root causes. Methodologically, the study employs qualitative analysis of secondary data (academic literature, media reports, and policy documents), thematically examining the nexus between palliative distributions and governance deficits. Findings reveal that such short-term measures reinforce cycles of bad governance by substituting performative relief for sustainable economic reforms. Through Foucault’s lens of governmentality, the paper demonstrates how palliatives function as tools of state control, masking structural inequities rather than resolving them. The study concludes by advocating for the abolition of the palliative programmes and urges governments at all levels to prioritise long-term developmental strategies to tackle food insecurity and governance challenges holistically. C. Njoku Ekeledirichukwu Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-08-10 2025-08-10 2 1 207 222 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/792 This study explores the pivotal role of women religious leaders in peacebuilding and reconciliation in Nigeria, focusing on conflict-prone regions of Kaduna, Jos, and Borno. Despite male-dominated religious structures, these leaders employ spiritual authority, grassroots networks, and gender-sensitive strategies to promote social cohesion. Through qualitative methods, including 25 interviews and four focus group discussions, the research reveals their effectiveness in interfaith dialogue (e.g., resolving 94% of household disputes via Women Peacebuilding Councils) and trauma healing. Challenges such as patriarchal norms, security threats, and funding constraints limit their impact. The study advocates for institutional support, gender-inclusive policies, and interfaith forums to amplify their contributions, offering insights for Nigeria’s peacebuilding framework and global gender-focused peace initiatives. Samdi Puldu Gloria Ph.D Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-08-10 2025-08-10 2 1 223 233 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/793 There is no doubt that the legal framework for fighting corruption has been less effective, probably because it is evidence-based. The whistle-blowing scheme was, therefore, introduced to tackle corrupt practices and provide a means of recovering stolen public funds in Nigeria. Since the scheme's launch in 2016, several studies have analysed its efficacy as an anti-corruption strategy. This paper therefore examines whistle-blowing and the credibility of intelligence reporting in the fight against corruption in Nigeria. This paper addresses the research question using the big four anti-corruption agencies (ICPC, EFCC, CCB, and NEITI) as the respondents for the study to test the research hypothesis. A total sample size of 275 was used for the study. This study uses the regression analysis method to investigate the effects of whistle-blowing on the credibility of intelligence reporting in the fight against corruption in Nigeria. The study uses adjusted R2 as a primary metric for measuring the model specification. The results show that the R square, the coefficient of determination, reveals a high value for all the parameters (ICPC- 72.8%, EFCC- 61.2%, CCB- 58.2%, NEITI- 64.0%) in explaining the model. The empirical findings show that whistle-blowing adoption positively correlates with the credibility of intelligence reporting in the fight against corruption in Nigeria. This paper recommends that strengthening the whistle-blowing scheme (passing of the whistle-blowing bill into law) and fostering a culture of transparency and accountability will contribute to the fight against corruption without fear of reprisal. Establishing robust support systems and legal frameworks will enhance the credibility of intelligence reporting, ultimately leading to more effective anti-corruption efforts. Keywords: Whistle-blowing; credibility; corruption; accountability; transparency. Muhammed Bala Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 2 1 234 247 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/794 This study examines the political economy of Nigeria-China currency swap agreement under which Naira-Yuan bilateral trade is achievable without the need for a dollar conversion. It examines how the agreement is in line with China's general policy of internationalizing the Yuan and promoting South-South economic cooperation. The article argues that the currency swap agreement is a significant step in Nigeria's cutting down on sole dependence on Western financial systems, the US dollar, and thereby improving its economic sovereignty. In consideration of the significance of the agreement to Nigeria's trade, monetary policy, and geopolitical alignment, the study finds that there lies the possibility that such agreements are capable of transforming global economic power structures. The study supports China-friendly rhetoric with emphasis on the win-win principle of the agreement without denigrating China's role as one of the actors in global economics. Finally, this study contributes to mounting literature on Western financial hegemonic decline and rising financial power of China and the Global South at large. Sylvester Omohe Imerion Chris Ifeanyi Adebowale Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 2 1 248 273 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/795 Patriarchal norms and attitudes shape societal expectations about women and limit their autonomy leading to gender-based violence, restricted access to resources in making health relate decision further exacerbating health risks.The main objective is to assess how patriarchal structures influence women’s health security, focusing on culture of silence and shame surrounding violence against women and how this places limits on women autonomy and health security. Quantitative method of data analyses was employed to analyse data collected from 171 randomly selected sample of female staff of Nasarawa State University. The study findings revealed that, a culture of silence and shame persist and women are ridiculed for daring to open up against violence thereby impacting women's mental health. This was confirmed by the consistently high mean scores (ranging from 4.04 to 4.79) indicating that societal norms discourage open discussions about violence and personal struggles. This exacerbates the mental health conditions of survivors of violence, preventing them from seeking support. The study also found that patriarchal attitude of shaming victims of abuse leads to post traumatic disorders and sometimes death. The study therefore, recommends that Non-governmental organizations and community based organizations should engage traditional and religious institutions in awareness programmes to dismantle negative norms and attitudes on women. Also, the federal government and State governments especially in North-Central Nigeria should domesticate international and regional agreements on rights of women and strengthen support systems, including accessible health services and safe spaces for survivors of gender based violence Ade Becky Aliegba Yusuf Alhaji Usman Adadu Yahaya Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 2 1 274 294 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/796 The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has played a pivotal role in shaping regional integration, fostering economic growth, and addressing security challenges in West Africa since its inception. This paper critically examines the achievements and failures of ECOWAS in promoting regional economic development and ensuring security from 2000 to 2024. Key achievements include strides in trade liberalization through the implementation of the ECOWAS Trade Liberalization Scheme (ETLS) and efforts to establish a common currency. Additionally, ECOWAS has demonstrated notable success in peacekeeping operations, such as in Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Mali, leveraging its regional security architecture. However, the study highlights significant challenges, including limited progress in achieving deeper economic integration due to infrastructural deficits and weak governance. The recurring instability in member states, exacerbated by terrorism, coups, and cross-border crimes, has also tested ECOWAS's ability to maintain regional peace. Using secondary sources and expert interviews, this paper identifies gaps in institutional capacity, inconsistent political will, and inadequate funding as critical impediments. The findings underscore the need for a recalibration of ECOWAS’s strategies to enhance its effectiveness in addressing the dual mandates of economic and security governance, offering policy recommendations for a sustainable regional framework. Ubale Yahaya Jibrin Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 2 1 295 319 https://journals.unijos.edu.ng/index.php/ujjps/article/view/797 This paper is a critical assessment of the colonial incursion and its impact on Nigeria. Secondary sources of data were used for this essay. With the force theory of the state as its compass, and drawing from the insights of the “decolonial epistemic perspective”, the paper contends that colonialism was a violent phenomenon, and colonial rule was imposed on Nigeria against the will of its people. The essay argues that as a crime against humanity, colonialism’s primary goal was the exploitation of Nigeria’s resources, and all the actions or inactions of the colonialists were aimed at the realization of that goal. It is concluded that irrespective of what its supporters regard as its “benefits”, the impact of colonialism on Nigeria and its people was generally destructive. Bassey Obo Ugumanim Venatius Azinor Ukor Copyright (c) 2025 University of Jos Journal of Political Science https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2025-06-30 2025-06-30 2 1 320 337